This week, Assistant Secretary of State Don Lu is leading a U.S. delegation to Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan to discuss security partnerships, economic relations, energy policy, and human rights with the leaders of those countries. This visit follows up on the first-ever “C5+1” summit this past September in New York, when President Biden met with the leaders of the five Central Asian republics on the margins of the United Nations General Assembly.
Back in September, Biden noted the C5+1 countries’ “shared commitment to sovereignty, independence, [and] territorial integrity.” To that end, Biden spotlighted increased U.S. security funding and closer counterterrorism cooperation, a new critical minerals dialogue to ensure the security of the U.S. high-tech industry, and new mechanisms to facilitate U.S. private sector engagement with Central Asia.
The White House readout of the C5+1 meeting with the Central Asian leaders — including Presidents Qasym-Zhomart Toqaev of Kazakhstan and Shavkat Mirziyoev of Uzbekistan — also noted that Biden raised the need to support civil society, women’s empowerment, and disability rights with his counterparts.
It is clear that the United States government and its Central Asian counterparts are in deep, sustained dialogue, with both sides believing that closer ties are mutually beneficial. Given the region’s geostrategic importance at the crossroads of Russia, China, and Afghanistan, Washington is trying hard to woo Central Asia from Moscow’s sphere of influence. In turn, Central Asia wants access to global markets and trade institutions, which requires closer ties with the West. To that end, Senators Chris Murphy (D-CT) and Todd Young (R-IN) have responded to lobbying from the region by introducing legislation to repeal Jackson-Vanik trade restrictions for Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan and grant those nations permanent normal trade relations (PNTR) status.
We appreciate that President Biden, Secretary Lu, and others have referred to the importance of promoting human rights and civil society in Central Asia – including media freedom, women and girls’ empowerment, and people-to-people ties. At the same time, the abysmal state of human rights and the utter lack of free civil society under all five authoritarian regimes in the region must not be ignored. For perspective, Freedom House, in its 2023 Global Freedom Scores, gave Kazakhstan 23 out of 100 possible points, Uzbekistan 12/100, and Tajikistan 7/100.*
For LGBTQI+ Central Asians, the situation is all the more dire. Just this summer, Kyrgyzstan adopted the roadmap written in Russia that links anti-LGBTQI+ politics and restricting civil society when it passed legislation criminalizing the dissemination of LGBTQI+-affirming information aimed at minors. This development parallels the introduction of proposed laws dramatically limiting freedom of speech and association more broadly.
Uzbekistan’s record on LGBTQI+ human rights is particularly poor. While roughly 65 countries continue to criminalize consensual same-sex relations between adults, Uzbekistan is one of a handful of these countries that actively prosecutes its inhabitants under such a law. Gay and bisexual men and transgender women face up to three years in prison under Article 120. Just this week, as the U.S. delegation visited Tashkent, Uzbekistani authorities acknowledged, as part of the U.N. Universal Periodic Review process, that in 2023, at least 27 male-identified persons have been prosecuted under Article 120.
Uzbekistani police continue to use forced anal exams — widely discredited as both forensically useless and a form of torture — to gather “evidence” to prosecute people under Article 120. Those convicted and imprisoned for engaging in same-sex relations then face being subjected to conversion therapy practices to treat the “disorder of homosexuality … to eliminate repeat crimes and offenses.” Additionally, a 2022 ECOM report documented how healthcare authorities shared individuals’ private medical information about HIV testing and treatment with law enforcement, putting LGBTQI+ Uzbekistanis at further risk for conviction under Article 120.
As part of the UPR process, five Equal Rights Coalitions members — Argentina, Chile, Mexico, Montenegro, and Spain — implored Uzbekistan to decriminalize consensual same-sex relations between adults. Likewise, civil society stakeholders echoed the call to repeal Article 120 and issued numerous other recommendations to promote the human rights of LGBTQI+ people in Uzbekistan, including anti-discrimination legislation; an end to forced anal exams; protection of privacy, especially regarding HIV status and treatment; thorough investigation of anti-LGBTQI+ violence and support for survivors of such violence; the decriminalization of HIV transmission; and an end to anti-LGBTQI+ rhetoric from political and religious leaders. To date, Uzbekistan’s government has rebuffed all these recommendations.
While Kazakhstan repealed Soviet-era sodomy laws in the 1990s as part of sweeping post-independence legal reforms, the human rights situation for LGBTQI+ people there is not meaningfully better than in its southern neighbor. Indeed, Feminita, Kazakhstan’s leading feminist and LGBTQI+ organization, has been repeatedly denied registration to organize openly. In 2021, Feminita organized a private discussion in the city of Shymkent, only for their meeting to be broken up by unidentified men who physically assaulted the Feminita activists. In turn, the police responding to the situation interrogated the activists at length, detaining them for eight hours and threatening to charge them with “insulting a government representative” before forcibly driving them back to Almaty, Kazakhstan’s largest city, “for their own safety.”
As the U.S. State Department itself reported earlier this year, there are no legal protections from anti-LGBTQI+ discrimination in the country, and acts of violence, harassment, and extortion based on sexual orientation or gender identity, though somewhat common, were rarely investigated by the authorities. As in Uzbekistan, LGBTQI+ Kazakhstanis seldom turned to the authorities to report violence against them because they feared hostility, ridicule, and further violence, and because they did not trust law enforcement to safeguard their personal information, thus putting them at risk for losing employment and housing.
ECOM’s recent research corroborated this assessment, documenting several dozen cases of harassment and violence in Kazakhstan. Such cases included parents insulting and attempting to institutionalize their LGBTQI+ adult children; entrapment and blackmail by gangs luring LGBTQI+ persons looking for dates; disclosure of HIV status and discrimination against HIV advocates; and police indifference and open hostility to the survivors of anti-LGBTQI+ assaults and discrimination.
Unsurprisingly, we are skeptical, to say the least, of the commitment to democracy and human rights on the part of the governments of Central Asia. As the momentum for closer trade relations between the United States and Central Asia builds, the U.S. government should use this moment to press human rights concerns, to ask for more than broad promises, even as it offers incentives such as the repeal of Jackson-Vanik restrictions and the promise of PNTR status.
We understand that Jackson-Vanik is the product of another era, a tool originally designed to press Moscow to end its discriminatory limits on emigration by Soviet Jews and other minority groups. Moreover, we support the use of trade or other commercial incentives to promote human rights. But if Jackson-Vanik is indeed lifted, the Biden Administration needs to commit to the robust use of more appropriate human rights tools to address serious human rights violations in the region, including the targeted persecution of LGBTQI+ individuals. This should include Global Magnitsky sanctions against named individuals who target LGBTQI+ persons for arrest and prosecution, including those who order or perform forced anal exams on suspects in clear violation of medical ethics and human rights norms against torture. The Central Asian governments must not get a free pass on human rights on the road to free trade.
* For context, Russia earned 16/100, China 9, Iran 12, and Saudi Arabia 8, while Sweden and Norway scored 100, Canada 98, the United Kingdom 93, and the United States 83.