“We closed the doors, but it didn’t help. LGBT people in Russia have become extremists”

Guest post from Yaroslav Rasputin, Parni PLUS (Guys PLUS)

There’s a scared young man inside the cage that holds defendants in the Russian courts. Soon, he will be replaced by a woman from the same bar, and then they will both be taken to their cells. This cage will likely witness the first case of its kind in Russia, when the organizers of a drag show will be imprisoned for extremism.

Orenburg is a Russian city near the Ural Mountains that separate Europe and Asia. The values here are distinctly Russian: people on TV talk about how soldiers defend Russia from LGBT Ukrainians even as gay and lesbian people are served cocktails in a small nearby bar that seeks anonymity by forgoing a sign. It is known for sure that there are 15 wigs in the club: some are worn by drag queens, some are in the dressing room.

Over the last 10 years of heightened persecution of LGBT people in Russia, visitors have become accustomed to a simple rule: “Do whatever you want behind the closed doors!” Russian politicians made this promise over and over again while still adopting more and more severe laws.

Russian gay club regulars don’t like those who carry the Pride flag outside the closed doors. But if you follow the rules, you can dance safely, can’t you?

No, you can’t. And it’s not me who’s answering; that’s the answer you get from a policeman’s boot. There are new people at the bar. They don’t have any wigs or fake breasts. They wear uniforms, some have weapons, others have the stripes of the Russian Community of Orenburg, the city’s nationalist organization. This is a raid. There is a Russian word for “raid,” but oddly enough, the opponents of Western values prefer the English word, using it as they crack down on LGBT Russians.

They say lying on the floor face down for several hours is no fun. Stripped down to your underwear is even less so — to the extent that you no longer think about such stupid inconveniences as the several smartphone cameras recording this humiliation. In one of the videos from this raid, a man is dragged along the floor and asked to straighten up. He covers his head with his hands and presses his knees to his chest to protect himself against the blows to the most vulnerable places.

The blows were not captured on the video.

On November 30, 2023, the Supreme Court of Russia declared the “International LGBT Social Movement” to be “extremist.” There isn’t and there has never been such an organization, of course, but the decision states that it has divisions, coordinators, and participants in Russia. They are not named but are calculated: 40 organizations, 80 internet resources, and 281 “cell leaders.” The court does not say who these people are or what they do. But they are now prohibited from doing that, whatever that is.

What should they do? The court does not give any answer. Only the boot does.

I am reading this news from a safe distance. You are probably as well. In countries that have expressed concern about the new Russian repression, it is generally difficult to imagine that you can actually lie under a policeman’s boot just because you are a guy who wanted to drink and dance with another guy to good music. I left Russia not so long ago and still remember this fear. I really don’t want you to share my feelings — I pray you never feel this way.

Prague, Czech Republic – September 8, 2013: No gay propaganda beyond this line. Banner against the Russian anti gay laws in front of the Russian Embassy in Prague, Czech Republic.

The lives of LGBT people in Russia are in danger. For many years, Putin’s power divided us. He and his people used to say, “We are not violating your rights, but…” A new violation of rights would inevitably come after this “but”: do not approach children, do not appear on TV during the daytime, do not hold festivals, do not open your websites. And they always added, “Just do whatever you want behind the closed doors!”

We saw a succession of such statements, one after another. Some of us wanted to demand our rights and reverse this spiral. Others wanted them to just let us be in the hope that it wouldn’t get any worse. We were fighting with each other.

But there were no winners in the end.

When Russia launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine, I felt really bad. The rallies I went to didn’t help anything or anybody. Nor did the antiwar graffiti and leaflets that I secretly made and distributed. But at least they were talked about. They were noticed and supported. I didn’t feel so lonely.

Almost immediately, Russian propagandists decided that Ukraine and LGBT people are basically the same thing. Finding Nazis in the occupied territories was difficult. Finding LGBT pamphlets was much easier. It turned out that Russian soldiers were fighting against the promotion of homosexuality and “transgenderism.”

Ukraine had no idea it was promoting anything like that. The Russian opposition was afraid of losing its audience and preferred to keep silent.

For the enemy not to attack from the rear, Russian politicians banned the so-called “LGBT propaganda.” By that time, Ekaterina Mizulina, the head of the Safe Internet League, had already attacked me. She published my phone number on the Internet that she was supposed to be making safe and secure. This safety was obviously not for the benefit of people like me, so I fled the country. But Russia remained with me, in my head and in my news feed.

The following summer, they banned gender transition. They said, as always, it was about the worried parents. “Transgender people brainwash our children!” they declared on TV.

But we are your children, too.

To leave no doubt, they “caught” two people setting fire to military registration and enlistment offices. One of them said on camera that she was a transgender woman. With her, she had some documents allegedly signed by the Ukrainian Armed Forces and the Free Russia Legion fighting on the Ukraine side. And, for some reason, a butt plug. The second was a transgender man who, according to TV reports, worked for OVD-Info, a human rights organization that had already been persecuted by the authorities.

Human rights activists went looking for these people. OVD-Info also looked for the “employee” of theirs who they had never heard of before. With no luck. Nor were there any trials of these two individuals. The Russian government, which accuses the West of “fakes,” turned out to be a master of producing them itself.

But these stories served their purpose, as it later became clear. In the fall of 2023, the Ministry of Justice, having collected such “irrefutable” evidence, demanded that we all be recognized as extremists. The Supreme Court agreed.

The police raid on the Pose club in Orenburg was not the first. There were dozens of them throughout the country. Some clubs’ party photos were deemed to be “LGBT propaganda.” Some clubs closed down; others tried to pretend to be straight.

But putting the manager and the art director of an LGBT bar in prison for 10 years is a brand-new step in the history of Russia.

When I read news about how random people — and even people I know — are detained for connections with “extremists,” I feel bad. When I see these people in a cage who are about to be imprisoned for 10 years for working in a club and buying wigs for drag queens, I am horrified.

A Russian prison is a terrible place for anyone. But if the average prisoner is lucky enough to go unnoticed, it’s open season on those jailed for waving the rainbow flag. And the prison administration will never interfere with the rape and torture of those LGBT prisoners. I’m sick when I think about it, so forgive me, I won’t delve into this much.

Instead, I write to my friends still in Russia, asking, “Goodness, how are you?”

“It’s okay, we’re already getting used to it,” they answer.

And they keep on dancing.

The LGBT community can the toughest of times. We have seen this all through history: we survived medieval prisons, Nazi camps, and Soviet gulags. We liberated Christopher Street in the USA, lived through the HIV/AIDS epidemic, rescued those convicted of sodomy in Russia, and achieved equal rights in Orthodox Greece. We went through all this with unimaginable sacrifices, but after each blow, those of us who were able to rise joined their hands again and again.

The Russian LGBT community needs global help today more than ever. Please don’t turn your backs on us.

Samara, Russia – May 5, 2018: Police officers block an Leningradskaya street during an opposition protest rally ahead of President Vladimir Putin’s inauguration ceremony

Fleeing for Identity: The Plight of LGBTQI+ Refugees and the Welcome Corps Initiative

The journey of fleeing one’s homeland is riddled with adversity for all individuals. But for those who identify as LGBTQI+, escaping persecution rooted in their sexual orientation or their gender identity/expression adds an extra layer of vulnerability. The myriad significant challenges confronting LGBTQI+ individuals worldwide, compelling them to seek refuge, and the multifaceted issues they encounter in resettlement countries are manifold. However, the United States government’s Welcome Corps program stands as a beacon of hope for many in such circumstances.

A World of Persecution

Globally, nearly 70 countries criminalize same-sex relations, with some imposing the death penalty. This legal landscape fosters a climate of violence, discrimination, and social exclusion, forcing many LGBTQI+ individuals to flee their homes in search of safety and acceptance. In Chechnya, for instance, documented cases of torture and imprisonment of gay men highlight the brutal reality faced by many. Even in countries where same-sex relations are legal, societal prejudice and lack of legal recognition for same-sex partnerships and gender identity can lead to social isolation, economic hardship, and limited access to healthcare, education, and employment.

Many young LGBTQI+ Africans, for example, flee due to a confluence of issues. Underlying political and economic instability is compounded by violently homophobic environments and laws criminalizing their existence. Recent legislation in Nigeria, Uganda, Ghana, and other countries considering a similar path further marginalizes the community, leading to an increased number of queer people seeking refuge. Those who choose to stay and fight for their rights are daily hounded, discriminated against, and targeted by state and non-state actors.

Double Jeopardy: The Challenges of Resettlement

While escaping persecution is essential, resettlement presents its own set of challenges for LGBTQI+ refugees. Historically, members of LGBTQI+ communities who have been able to get into the United States often used the asylum process as a means to access immediate resettlement after fleeing hostile environments. However, despite many of its benefits, navigating the asylum process can be daunting, particularly due to the complex legal frameworks and the burden of proof of persecution based on sexual orientation and gender identity. Unlike refugees fleeing conflict or natural disasters, they often lack the traditional forms of “proof” of danger typically expected, such as documentation of arrest or physical harm. Additionally, cultural and linguistic barriers, coupled with potential discrimination within refugee communities and the receiving society, further complicate integration.

Limited access to culturally competent healthcare, including mental health support, and the lack of a sufficient social safety net further complicate resettlement. Many LGBTQI+ refugees grapple with the trauma of past experiences, often compounded by the anxieties of resettlement. They may have faced rejection from their families, violence from their communities, and limited access to mental health support in their home countries. These experiences can lead to depression, anxiety, and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), further hindering their ability to integrate and rebuild their lives.

Beyond Legal Status: The Social Dimension of Resettlement

Beyond addressing the immediate challenges of legal status and basic needs, fostering a sense of belonging and social inclusion is crucial for the long-term well-being of LGBTQI+ refugees. Feeling safe to express one’s authentic self and having access to supportive social networks are fundamental aspects of successful integration. However, many traditional refugee resettlement programs fall short in this aspect.

The US Welcome Corps: A Beacon of Hope

The United States’ innovative Welcome Corps program, launched in 2022, harnesses the power of community sponsorship to support refugee resettlement. Groups of individuals can directly sponsor refugees, providing vital financial and social assistance during their initial integration. In its first year, the State Department aimed to mobilize 10,000 Americans as private sponsors, welcoming at least 5,000 refugees.

However, identifying LGBTQI+ individuals within the system has proven challenging due to security concerns and confidentiality policies. Despite these hurdles, Rainbow Railroad, a leading civil society partner working with the government on this program, reports LGBTQI+ refugees are beginning to be resettled through the Welcome Corp program. They, along with the Council for Global Equality (CGE) and other partners, have proposed solutions to address these identification challenges. Moreover, the program’s second “naming” phase empowers private sponsor groups to identify LGBTQI+ refugees for referral to the U.S. Refugee Admissions Program, while also supporting those the government has already identified.

The Welcome Corps program holds immense potential for LGBTQI+ refugees, offering a more personalized and culturally sensitive approach to resettlement as compared to traditional models. Sponsors can provide vital support in navigating language barriers, accessing healthcare, and integrating into local communities. This is essential, because many LGBTQI+ people fleeing persecution often leave all they know and loved ones behind before moving to a country where they have no connection or sometimes even no knowledge of its people, culture, and way of life. Competently trained sponsors through the Welcome Corps program play a beneficial role in ensuring that LGBTQI+ refugees who come through the program have the right knowledge and tools for a safe landing and integration into their new home and for the proper rebuilding of their lives.

Recently, the Washington Blade reported on a gay refugee from El Salvador who found resettlement in the Washington, D.C. area through this program. Escaping an environment steeped in extreme and violent homophobia, he left his familial and social ties behind, seeking assistance through a local organization, where he became acquainted with the Welcome Corps program. Upon his arrival in D.C., he was warmly embraced by a cohort of sponsors with whom he was matched through the program. They provided him with essential resources to facilitate his settlement and commence the process of rebuilding his life. CGE’s own Ian Lekus, one of the program hosts for another refugee from Latin America arriving this month, encapsulated their dedication with the statement, “Our group has been working for many months to help an LGBTQI+ refugee restart their life in safety and dignity, and we’re incredibly excited to welcome them to D.C. in April to do just that.” This successful kickoff of the program holds promise.

For organizations like CGE, Rainbow Railroad, and HIAS that are collaborating with the U.S. government to ensure the Welcome Corps program’s effective implementation, the arrival and seamless integration of LGBTQI+ refugees underscore the significance of community-driven approaches to intricate challenges. The Welcome Corps program also exemplifies the power of government action coupled with community support.  Many within the LGBTQI+ community have volunteered their time and resources, and this collective action is vital for the program’s success. As the program grows, more volunteers, resources, and organizations will be needed for sustainability.

The Global Landscape: A Call for Collective Action

Many in the LGBTQI+ community have come forward to show their support for the Welcome Corps program, and in some instances, volunteered their time and resources to help refugees coming through the program. This kind of collective action and community support is very necessary for the success of this program. As the program is technically still in its early days, groups are expecting an increasing number of LGBTQI+ refugees who will be coming through the program and needing help resettling. That means that many more volunteers, groups, resources, and organizations will be needed to carry this program forward to ensure sustainability. You can learn more and to sign up to sponsor a refugee through the Welcome Corps site here. (To specifically sponsor an LGBTQI+ refugee in the United States through Rainbow Railroad, visit this site; for sponsoring an LGBTQI+ refugee in Canada via Rainbow Railroad, click here.)

Moreover, while the Welcome Corps program presents promise, long-term diplomacy and development holds the key to resolving the refugee crisis, particularly considering that not all persecuted LGBTQI+ individuals can flee their circumstances or even want to leave their nations of origin. A concerted and inclusive global strategy is imperative to tackle the underlying causes of persecution and advocate for international protective measures. This entails:

  • Advocacy for the global decriminalization of same-sex relationships: Engaging in international diplomacy and fostering dialogue with countries that criminalize LGBTQI+ individuals is crucial. This can involve utilizing international forums and leveraging multilateral channels to advocate for the repeal of discriminatory laws and the upholding of basic human rights for all.
  • Supporting local LGBTQI+ organizations in countries of origin: Providing resources and support to LGBTQI+ organizations in countries where individuals face persecution can empower them to advocate for their rights, provide safe spaces, and offer crucial support services to those most vulnerable and in need of support to flee.
  • Promoting cultural understanding and combating discrimination: Engaging in public education campaigns and fostering dialogue within refugee communities and broader society can play a significant role in dismantling discriminatory attitudes and promoting understanding and acceptance of LGBTQI+ individuals.

The journey of fleeing as a refugee for LGBTQI+ individuals is a complex and often perilous one. While the Welcome Corps program already shows signs of success and signifies a positive step towards offering support and fostering a sense of belonging in the United States, a multifaceted approach is necessary to address the global challenges faced by the community. By combining innovative resettlement programs with robust advocacy efforts and fostering a climate of global acceptance, we can work towards a world where individuals can live authentically and free from persecution, regardless of their sexual orientation or their gender identity/expression, either in their home of birth or chosen country without the need to become a refugee.

(photos courtesy of Rainbow Railroad)

Celebrating Global Trans Advocates

These days, whether we’re looking at Texas and Florida or at Russia and Argentina, it’s far too easy to find authoritarian leaders who are weaponizing transphobia. Just the other week, we wrote about how the right-wing extremist forces behind Project 2025 are putting demonizing transgender people at the heart of their plan to undermine American democracy and the rule of law.

No one has to look far to find the challenges, the forces who would deny basic dignity, security, and the rights of citizenship to trans and gender-diverse people.

But instead, let’s take a moment instead to celebrate some heroes fighting the good fight, winning victories — despite the dramatic lack of funder support for the global trans rights movement.

There are many more champions we could spotlight, and feel free to share suggestions of others deserving of recognition. In the meantime, we share our gratitude and our solidarity with these remarkable organizers.

Lilit Martirosyan, President, Right Side NGO (Armenia)

Lilit Martirosyan has been an organizer for transgender rights in Armenia for nearly fifteen years. Her passions for democracy building and protecting the rights and freedoms of vulnerable groups encompass refugees and asylum seekers, people living with HIV, and sex workers as well as sexual and gender minorities. In 2016, she founded Right Side NGO, Armenia’s first transgender rights organization and the first trans-led NGO in the South Caucasus, through which she promotes social, cultural, and legal reforms for transgender people and sex workers. Through her advocacy, Right Side NGO has helped transgender Armenians secure legal name changes. In 2020, Lilit was awarded the Human Rights Tulip by the government of The Netherlands, and she used the €100,000 in prize money to establish a safe and secure space for transgender LGBT people in Armenia.

Top Advocacy Priorities: To create lasting solutions that promote social inclusion for, prevent the violation of human rights of, and ensure the quality of dignified lives of transgender people and sex workers in Armenia. Such goals require protecting community health and safety, promoting human rights protection and legal reforms, and changing public opinion and cultural norms.

Manisha Dhakal, Executive Director, Blue Diamond Society (Nepal)

Active in Nepal’s LGBTQI+ movement since 2001, Manisha Dhakal has worked on projects spanning HIV/AIDS, human rights activism, constitutional campaigns, advocacy, capacity building, academic research, LGBTQI+ child rights, and more. She took part in the landmark hearings that led to the Nepal Supreme Court’s 2007 ruling ordering the government to expand rights for its LGBTQI+ citizens. The first transgender woman in Nepal’s Country Coordinating Mechanism for the Global Fund, Manisha is currently the Executive Director of Blue Diamond Society (BDS), the country’s pioneering LGBTQI+ rights organization, as well as the President of Federation of Sexual and Gender Minorities of Nepal. She is a founding member of the Asia-Pacific Transgender Network and previously co-chaired the Board of ILGA Asia.

Top Advocacy Priorities: Bridging the gap between the legal rights for LGBTQI+ people in Nepal and their implementation, such as for legal gender recognition and marriage equality.

Pau González Sánchez, Co-Founder, Hombres Trans Panamá (Panama)

Pau González Sánchez is a committed grassroots leader and one of the most prominent advocates for equality for the LGBTQI+ community in Panama and in Latin America and the Caribbean more broadly. He is co-founder of Panama’s first transmasculine group, Hombres Trans Panamá, and of the first Association of Family and Friends of LGBTQI+ people (PFLAG-Panama). In past years, he represented Panama at the Human Rights Campaign’s Global Innovators Program and is an alum of the Agents of Change program at the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung for Central America. Pau is currently working on the “Latin American Trans Masculine Historical Memory project,” an oral history initiative focusing on personal narratives of trans men aged 40 and above. It documents and preserves their diverse histories, serving as a crucial platform for understanding their challenges, triumphs, and contributions in the region. Through interviews and storytelling, the initiative aims to create a comprehensive record, offering valuable insights into their unique journeys. Professionally, he operates as a certified medical interpreter, a realtor and property manager, and a human rights consultant for the UN’S High Commissioner Office for Human Rights on the National Free and Equal Campaign. 

Top Advocacy Priorities: Advancing the legal recognition of gender markers in official documents in Panama through strategic litigation; supporting the development of standardized protocols and guidelines for inclusive healthcare of transgender and gender-diverse individuals.

Sam Gcinekile Ndlovu, Director, Trans Research Education Advocacy and Training (TREAT) (Zimbabwe)

Sam Gcinekile Ndlovu is a transman raised on feminist principles. He is the Director of Trans Research Education Advocacy and Training (TREAT), a trans-led organization in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe. He also currently serves as Chairperson of the Southern African Trans Forum and Co-Chair of the African Trans Network, which is a community of practice of trans and gender diverse serving institutions, which constitutes 19 partner organizations currently from 11 Southern African countries. Previously, he worked at the Sexual Rights Centre as a Programmes Officer and was a part of the founding leadership of VOVO, a LBTI feminist collective in Bulawayo. He is a vibrant poet and musician who believes that love and empathy will continue to be unequaled forces in centering and growing movements around the globe.

Top Advocacy Priorities: Freedom from violence and the protection of the human dignity of trans and gender-diverse members of our families across the world, to allow them a fighting chance to peacefully exercise active citizenry and contribute their skills and talents to the development of their nations and communities they exist in.

Tampose Mothopeng, Executive Director, The People’s Matrix (Lesotho)

A 2014 Mandela Washington Fellow, Tampose Mothopeng has dedicated himself to supporting Lesotho’s LGBTQI+ community and has been the executive director of The People’s Matrix Association since 2009. His pioneering research focuses on HIV, human rights, and the legal framework surrounding the LGBTQI+ community, as well as the experiences of MSM and women who have sex with women (WSW) in sub-Saharan Africa. Collaborating with esteemed researchers from Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, Harvard University, and the University of Cape Town, Tampose has published numerous research documents and peer-reviewed journal articles. His work highlights the unique vulnerabilities faced by MSM and WSW individuals in Lesotho, as well as the experiences of and challenges facing Lesotho’s transgender community, and has been presented at various International AIDS Conferences.

In the face of cultural and religious challenges that have silenced the LGBTQI+ community in the name of Christianity, Tampose continues to hold the government of Lesotho accountable for its human rights obligations, including by presenting the Human Rights Defenders statement during the 53rd Human Rights Council session and challenging the national funding mechanism to benefit minority groups.

Top Advocacy Priorities: Increased accountability and transparency mechanisms with community coordination in HIV programs

Yaquota Idrissy, President, South Trans Voice Organization (Morocco)

A long-time human rights advocate, Yaquota serves as the President of the South Trans Voice organization in Morocco, which provides psychological, social, legal, and health support to individuals affected by gender-based discrimination. Furthermore, Yaquota works tirelessly towards achieving justice and equality for all individuals in the trans community in Morocco. She has also had valuable experience working as a field interventionist with the Association for the Fight Against AIDS and has been a member of the T_wanazar Alliance and the Free Women’s Union. Currently, Yaquota is focused on promoting the sexual and reproductive rights of trans individuals in central and southern Morocco. One of her key objectives is to integrate trans people as a key population into the health system to fight epidemics and develop preventive programs that respect their privacy and dignity. 

Top Advocacy Priorities: Legal recognition of transgender persons in Morocco and their integration into daily life; development of public policies to ensure transgender persons can change their identification papers.

Global Equality Today: March 2024

As we write here in Washington, D.C., spring has arrived. Clocks have sprung forward, cherry blossoms have just peaked, and pollen allergies are back with a vengeance.

Temperatures aren’t the only thing heating up, though. While it’s only March, we’re effectively moving onto the general election season months before the summer conventions following barely contested primary races in both major parties.

Any election year offers distinct advocacy challenges, but never have we seen one so fraught as this year, where Congress is paralyzed by the extraordinary dysfunction within the House Republican majority. One example of the extremist-driven paralysis comes in the continuing failure to pass a five-year “clean” reauthorization of PEPFAR, despite the program’s extraordinary success and its twenty-year record of bipartisan support. Fortunately, Congress did just approve a clean, one-year extension of the program in its late-night budget deal. That’s not ideal for program management, but we did manage to keep some dangerous riders out of PEPFAR that would have undermined its effectiveness — and its ability to serve LGBTQI+ communities abroad. 

But we continue to work with our allies in the executive branch and on the Hill to promote LGBTQI+ human rights wherever possible. Just this month, CGE members successfully lobbied Congressional allies to strip more than 50 anti-LGBTQI+ riders from the Appropriations bill. The anti-LGBTQI+ forces in Congress did manage to attach one unfortunate provision that is intended to prevent embassies from flying Pride flags during Pride celebrations overseas. But CGE member Human Rights Campaign summed up the situation well, noting in a press release that it was one of the least-harmful of all of the anti-LGBTQI+ provisions and that it does not in any way prevent embassies from actually celebrating Pride.

Indeed, with this new limitation, we challenge the majority of U.S. embassies that do celebrate Pride around the world to rethink their celebrations to move beyond flag-waving events to gatherings designed to honor and support the community in creative new ways. For its part, a White House statement promised to work with Congress to repeal the policy. CGE and our members will remain vigilant, as no doubt, hard-right members of Congress will continue to try inserting anti-LGBTQI+ poison pills into other bills as this increasingly dysfunctional Congress wraps up its pre-election agenda.

PROJECT 2025, LGBTQI+ HUMAN RIGHTS, AND THE AUTHORITARIAN THREAT

It is no exaggeration to say that democracy is on the ballot in 2024, in the United States and around the world. Two billion people — about half of the world’s adult population — will go to the polls this year. Maria Ressa, the Nobel Peace Prize-winning journalist from the Philippines and author of How To Stand Up to a Dictator, has warned that in all likelihood, “2024 will be the year that democracy falls off the cliff.”

Very dramatic words to be sure, but in Indonesia, a former general once banned from the United States for alleged human rights abuses has already won the February presidential election. In Russia, Vladimir Putin used sham polls to further tighten his grasp on power. In India, Narendra Modi, the Hindu nationalist prime minister, is widely expected to win a third term in this spring’s elections. Other key elections coming this year include those taking place in Mexico, South Africa, South Korea, Belgium, Ghana, the European Union, and, potentially, the United Kingdom.

In an op-ed last month, Maria Sjödin, Executive Director of Outright, one of CGE’s member organizations, outlined the implications of these elections for LGBTQI+ people, noting the weaponization of homophobia and transphobia in the campaigns in Russia, Ghana, and South Africa, among other countries.

This weaponization is, of course, front and center in this year’s U.S. presidential, Congressional, and local elections. At CGE, we are working hard to draw attention to Project 2025.

If you haven’t yet heard, Project 2025 is what the Heritage Foundation and its partners are innocuously pitching as “the plan for the next conservative President” of the United States. But as our colleagues at the Global Project Against Hate and Extremism explain far more accurately, “Project 2025 is an authoritarian roadmap to dismantling a thriving, inclusive democracy for all.”

We strongly encourage you to read our blog on Project 2025, and to share it, along with our fact sheet on the particular anti-LGBTQI+ planks of the plan. Additionally, check out Beirne Roose-Snyder, CGE’s Senior Policy Fellow, talking about Project 2025 on the rePROs Fight Back podcast.

Beyond demonizing LGBTQI+ people and looking to eliminate the fundamental human rights of the community, Project 2025 takes aim at numerous rights, populations, programs, and principles: sexual and reproductive health and rights, racial equity, climate justice and environmental policy, public education, so-called “wokeness” in the military, separation of church and state, and much more.

Let’s not mince words: Project 2025’s targeting of LGBTQI+ people and of sexual and reproductive health and rights is inseparable from its overarching goal of dismantling democracy and capturing the U.S. federal government. It is no exaggeration to describe Project 2025’s mandate as eliminationist, as it seeks to erase LGBTQI+ people from public life, from social protections, and from democratic citizenship altogether.

The Republican House majority has certainly demonstrated its willingness to pursue such an eliminationist agenda, as have anti-LGBTQI+ state legislators around the country. The one partial victory they achieved in the appropriations battle was enacting a ban on flying the rainbow flag on the exterior of U.S. embassies — though, as already noted, that measure does not limit embassies organizing Pride events or otherwise supporting in-country LGBTQI+ communities. But this provision also speaks to how authoritarians, at home and around the globe, have weaponized the rainbow flag in their war on democracy and the rule of law.

Over the months to come, we’ll have much, much more to say about Project 2025 and about the highly coordinated, very well-funded anti-rights movement that is targeting LGBTQI+ rights as a wedge for its broader assault on democracy, civil society, and human rights.

LGBTQI+ REFUGEES & ASYLUM SEEKERS

In February, House Republicans defeated the border security deal negotiated between the White House and a bipartisan group of Senators. While there were certainly some positive measures in the deal, from increased staffing to process asylum claims to urgently needed assistance for Ukraine, and while House Republicans rejected the deal for not being sufficiently anti-immigrant, we expressed our fundamental opposition to any changes to immigration policy that would undermine the basic human right to seek asylum and that certainly would be disastrous for LGBTQI+ refugees and asylum seekers.

We want to flag two related pieces from CGE members. First, in an op-ed in The Advocate, Immigration Equality issued its own powerful rebuke to the deal, explaining why it would be lethal for LGBTQI+ asylum seekers. Second, Human Rights First reported on a trip to the U.S.-Mexico border, sharing the stories of refugees directly harmed by U.S. policies, including that of an LGBTQ+ refugee from Ghana terrified of being forced to return — and this was even before the passage of the horrific anti-LGBTQI+ law by the Ghanaian Parliament in late February.

LGBTQI+ HUMAN RIGHTS UNDER THREAT AROUND THE WORLD

Ghana is one of all too many countries where homophobic and transphobic politicians, backed by anti-rights actors from the United States, are pushing discriminatory, hate-fueled legislation to deny even the most basic rights of citizenship to LGBTQI+ people. These laws, whether proposed or actually passed and enacted, all increase anti-LGBTQI+ stigma and violence.

CGE is coordinating closely with activists in Ghana urging President Akufo-Addo to veto the draconian bill passed by Parliament in February; with movement leaders in Uganda petitioning for the Supreme Court there to overturn last year’s Anti-Homosexuality Act; and with advocates in Kenya and elsewhere in Africa working hard to prevent passage of similar bills in their own country.

We also continue to lobby our partners in the U.S. government, at the World Bank, and in like-minded countries to keep up the pressure and not let homophobic and transphobic politicians think they can get away with restricting the fundamental human rights of a vulnerable community. CGE especially appreciates the termination of Uganda’s AGOA status and calls for Ghana’s status to be revoked as well should the new law go into effect. We were also very pleased to see the Treasury Department levy sanctions against the director of Uganda’s prison system:

“Members of vulnerable groups, including government critics and members of Uganda’s LGBTQI+ community, have been beaten and held without access to legal counsel; for example, in a 2020 case, the UPS [Uganda Prisons Systems] denied a group of LGBTQI+ persons access to their lawyers and members of the group reportedly endured physical abuse, including a forced anal examination and scalding.”

This is only the second-known use of Global Magnitsky Act sanctions against a perpetrator for committing human rights violations against LGBTQI+ people, a strategy CGE has long urged Treasury to deploy. We likewise applaud the denial of a visa to Ugandan MP Sarah Opendi (and apparently to many other Ugandan MPs), who called for the castration of gay men and who has been one of the leading supporters of the Anti-Homosexuality Act.

For a deeper dive into the homophobic and transphobic campaigns across the Continent, we encourage you to read our think piece, “Ubuntu for LGBTQI+ Africans,” which argues:

The proliferation of anti-LGBTQI+ laws in Africa constitutes a perilous trend that imperils the lives and freedoms of countless individuals, placing the continent at a disadvantage. These laws contravene fundamental human rights principles, while also undermining democracy and the rule of law. It is imperative that African governments take decisive action to repeal these harmful and discriminatory laws while actively promoting equality and human rights for all.

Meanwhile, Russia continues to push the template for authoritarian regimes using eliminationist tactics as a tool promote the broader suppression of dissent and independent civil society. Building upon the 2013 and 2022 so-called “propaganda” laws, the Russian Supreme Court declared “the international LGBT movement” to be “an extremist organization,” thus conflating any pro-LGBTQI+ statements with terrorism. Already, one woman has been jailed for wearing rainbow earrings under the new court ruling, and earlier in March, two employees of a gay bar were charged with “extremism” for organizing and hosting drag shows. CGE is continuing to partner with Russian LGBTQI+ activists to draw attention to the crisis facing the country’s queer community, and we are urging U.S. government partners to use all tools possible to prevent copycat legislation in other countries as was the case for the “propaganda” laws.

In Central Asia, the Biden Administration is seeking to develop closer security partnerships and economic relationships with the five former Soviet republics strategically located between Russia, China, and Afghanistan. As it does so, we continue to press our Administration partners to insist that improving the abysmal situation for LGBTQI+ people and for human rights and civil society more broadly in Central Asia must go hand-in-hand with closer trade ties.

THE WAR IN GAZA AND ISRAEL

More than five months since the catastrophic attacks of October 7th, CGE continues to mourn the pain and suffering from those brutally victimized by Hamas, as well as the Palestinian civilians who have been harmed and killed in the Israeli response. We call out all attacks on civilian populations as grave violations of human rights and humanitarian law.  

We further call on the U.S. government to support an immediate ceasefire in Gaza and Israel, and to support sufficient and unhindered humanitarian corridors to Gaza to prevent greater harm to civilians. We urge the United States to ensure that U.S. military and financial support are not used for the collective, retaliatory punishment of Palestinians, including journalists, children, and other vulnerable groups. We also call on the U.S. government to work for a negotiated release of all the hostages currently in Gaza as an immediate priority. 

CGE Co-Chair Julie Dorf published her own personal reflections on the war, having grown up in a “staunchly Zionist environment,” visiting Israel and Palestine numerous times, and wrestling over the years with anti-Semitism and Islamophobia, pinkwashing, war and oppression, and what justice can look like. We likewise encourage you to share her essay and offer your own observations.

EMBASSY GUIDE

In our fall 2023 newsletter, we spotlighted the updated and expanded edition of CGE’s Accessing U.S. Embassies: A Guide for LGBTQI+ Human Rights Defenders, our resource for helping international partners understand and access U.S. embassies and missions and build and maintain productive working relationships with U.S. diplomatic and development staff around the world. This guide, originally released in English in June, is now also available in Spanish, French, and Arabic as well.

CELEBRATING OUR PARTNERS

To wind down on a happy note: we’ve just celebrated some amazing LBTQ+ activists for International Women’s Day, and we’re preparing to recognize equally remarkable trans and nonbinary advocates for Transgender Day of Visibility later this week.

While the forces pitted against equality and human rights for LGBTQI+ communities are growing stronger and more connected in many regions of the world, we also saw two heartwarming victories for marriage equality in Japan earlier this month. And as CGE member organization Amnesty International noted, “[b]y recognizing that the government’s ban on same-sex marriage is unconstitutional, these rulings make clear that such discrimination has no place in Japanese society.” Equality, too, is on the march and discrimination has no place in any society, we just have to remember to look for it and celebrate it, even as we fight back against the forces of hate and extremism.

Project 2025: A Clear and Present Danger to Democracy

Click here for CGE’s fact sheet on the dangers Project 2025 poses to LGBTQI+ people.

“The next conservative President must make the institutions of American civil society hard targets for woke culture warriors. This starts with deleting the terms sexual orientation and gender identity (“SOGI”), diversity, equity, and inclusion, gender, gender equality, gender equity, gender awareness, gender-sensitive, abortion, reproductive health, reproductive rights, and any other term used to deprive Americans of their First Amendment rights out of every federal rule, agency regulation, contract, grant, regulation, and piece of legislation that exists.”

Have you heard yet about Project 2025? Developed by the Heritage Foundation in collaboration with more than 100 partners, Project 2025 is innocuously pitched as “the plan for the next conservative President” of the United States.

But the 950+ pages of Project 2025’s “Mandate for Leadership,” including the anti-LGBTQI+ quote above, represent something far more dangerous and far more comprehensive than a list of policy proposals. As our colleagues at the Global Project Against Hate and Extremism explain, “Project 2025 is an authoritarian roadmap to dismantling a thriving, inclusive democracy for all.”

This is not hyperbole. This is, as Carlos Lozada noted in a recent New York Times op-ed, a plan for “capturing the administrative state, not unmaking it. The main conservative promise here is to wield the state as a tool for concentrating power and entrenching ideology.”

The mainstream media has been slow to pick up on the direct threat Project 2025 poses to American democracy and the rule of law, and especially to LGBTQI+ people, to sexual and reproductive health and rights, and to other marginalized communities. But Lozada’s op-ed and other recent pieces suggests that major outlets are beginning to recognize the existential danger to democracy at hand. Moreover, if recent reports prove accurate, President Biden is preparing to put Project 2025 at the heart of his argument for why Donald Trump cannot be allowed to return to the White House.

Explicitly grounded in far-right Christian nationalism, Project 2025 is a vision for the future of the United States that is profoundly undemocratic. The plan’s authors seek to eviscerate the professional, apolitical civil service, staffing all federal agencies instead with ideological appointees chosen for their loyalty to the President.

Project Democracy outlines seven fundamental tactics used by aspiring authoritarians:

Attempting to politicize independent institutions; Spreading disinformation; Aggrandizing executive power at the expense of checks and balances; Quashing criticism and dissent; Specifically targeting vulnerable or marginalized communities; Working to corrupt elections; and Stoking violence.

All seven tactics appear all throughout 950+ hate-filled pages of the Project 2025 Mandate for Leadership.

The Heritage Foundation and its partners vow to end racial equity efforts and climate change initiatives, implement “Fortress America” hardline immigration laws, and repeal so-called “woke” military policies. They would restrict human rights broadly and pull the United States out of international bodies such as the United Nations.

The Mandate for Leadership’s 950+ pages drip with unrelenting hate and contempt for LGBTQI+ people. Transgender people face particular vitriol from these extremists; this, unfortunately, is no surprise, with Project 2025’s leaders being intimately connected to those state legislators who have introduced more than 400 bills targeting transgender Americans in the first six weeks of 2024 alone.

From the very first page, the Mandate for Leadership equates so-called “transgenderism” with pornography, and all through the document, LGBTQI+ people are treated as deviants, not as Americans, not as stakeholders in their own government. The Project seeks, in its anti-LGBTQI+ and its restrictions on sexual and reproductive autonomy to demonize and penalize all non-traditional families, relying on junk science to back up its absurd claims that the Biden Administration is penalizing heterosexual marriage in favor of LGBTQI+ equity and single motherhood.

Globally, Project 2025 describes USAID’s LGBTQI+-inclusive programs as “bullying,” promises to end the U.S. Refugee Assistance Program that provides life-saving assistance to LGBTQI+ refugees and other refugees from vulnerable populations, and expands anti-LGBTQI+ and anti-reproductive health regulations to global health programs.

It vows to recommit the United States to the anti-abortion Geneva Consensus and the Commission on Unalienable Human Rights, which proposes a hierarchy of human rights elevating religious liberty and the right to private property while excluding LGBTQI+ rights and sexual and reproductive rights altogether.

The Council for Global Equality has published a fact sheet outlining the specific threats to LGBTQI+ human rights promised by Project 2025. Let’s be absolutely clear here: Project 2025’s targeting of LGBTQI+ people and of sexual and reproductive health and rights is inseparable from its overarching goal of dismantling democracy and capturing the U.S. federal government. It is no exaggeration to describe Project 2025’s Mandate as eliminationist, as it seeks to erase LGBTQI+ people from public life, from social protections, and from democratic citizenship altogether.

Last year, the Williams Institute published its report demonstrating a strong correlation between democratic backsliding and attacking LGBTQI+ rights, noting that “anti-LGBTI stigma and policies may contribute to the weakening of democratic norms and institutions [and that] increased persecution of minority groups, including LGBTI people, is itself evidence of democratic backsliding by indicating the erosion of liberal democratic norms of protecting minority rights.”

Project 2025’s dehumanization and exclusion of LGBTQI+ people is not an accident. This is an intentional strategy that aspiring authoritarians make, demonizing vulnerable minority communities as part of seizing political power — and BIPOC and immigrant LGBTQI+ people face even more demonization from the Heritage Foundation and its collaborators.

Let’s also clear that Project 2025 is not a vague wish list for the anti-democratic far right, nor is it intended to be a project that can be reversed by the next election. The assault on LGBTQI+ rights and sexual and reproductive health and rights are the entry points to the permanent capture of the federal government.

This is a very specific, detailed action plan for next year, a map to a journey that’s well underway now. Indeed, Project 2025 is already happening.  It’s happening in Argentina, where the new far-right President, Javier Milei, eliminated the Ministry of Women, Gender, and Diversity immediately after taking office in December. It’s happening in Hungary, where President Viktor Orbán’s successful campaign to strip rights from LGBTQI+ people, women, and immigrants in service of building an “illiberal democracy” is the template for Project 2025. And it’s happening in U.S. states now, passing dozens upon dozens of anti-LGBTQI+ laws — some of which, such as Florida’s “Don’t Say Gay” law, directly import Orbánism to the United States.

The evidence is piling up — in the House of Representatives, in state legislatures, and at local school boards, as well as around the world—that we must take the anti-rights movement broadly and Project 2025’s backers specifically at their word. They are telling us what they think of us and what they think of pluralistic, representative democracy.

We need to believe them — and at the same time, we must not lose hope. As Beirne Roose-Snyder, CGE’s own Senior Policy Fellow, recently told the rePROs Fight Back podcast, “hopelessness is a tool of oppression,” and the authors of Project 2025 need people to be “tired, hopeless, and passive, to see this as inevitable.”

It is not inevitable. But stopping the far right requires dragging their plans out into the light of day. It requires naming their plans, discussing it with our families, at work, in our faith communities, and beyond. It requires organizing – around national and state elections, to be sure, but also around local school board and judicial races and around protecting the integrity of elections themselves.

It requires coalition work — with voting rights advocates; with media workers and defenders of the free press; with sexual and reproductive health and rights activists; with racial justice, immigrant justice, disability justice, and climate justice organizers; with youth and with the labor movement; and with progressive faith communities.

There is much more to do and much more we could say. We’ll certainly be writing — and doing — plenty more about the clear and present danger that Project 2025, the Mandate for Leadership, the Heritage Foundation and their partners, and the larger anti-rights movement pose to inclusive, representative democracy. For the moment, please share the word, share our fact sheet, and let’s get to work.

Happy International Women’s Day!

(March 8, 2024) Today, International Women’s Day, we’re excited to feature a handful of some of the fabulous and fierce lesbian, bisexual, trans, queer, and allied women working all around the world for justice broadly and for LBTQ+ women in particular.

Some are working for legal gender recognition, marriage equality, and sexual liberation; others are combating gender-based violence and discrimination and organizing for women- and queer-inclusive humanitarian relief. Their methods, goals, and contexts vary, but they all share extraordinary passion, skill, and dedication to feminist and queer inclusion and empowerment.

So without further ado, let’s celebrate these and all LBTQ+ women working to make the world a better place!

.  

MANISHA DHAKAL, Executive Director, Blue Diamond Society (Nepal)

Active in Nepal’s LGBTQI+ movement since 2001, Manisha Dhakal has worked on projects spanning HIV/AIDS, human rights activism, constitutional campaigns, advocacy, capacity building, academic research, LGBTQI+ child rights, and more. The first transgender woman in Nepal’s Country Coordinating Mechanism for the Global Fund, Manisha is currently the Executive Director of Blue Diamond Society (BDS), the country’s pioneering LGBTQI+ rights organization, as well as the President of Federation of Sexual and Gender Minorities of Nepal.  

Top Advocacy Priorities: Bridging the gap between the legal rights for LGBTQI+ people in Nepal and their implementation, such as for legal gender recognition and marriage equality.

BUKOLA LANDIS-AINA, Executive Director, Q Christian Fellowship (United States)

Bukola Landis-Aina is a first-generation Nigerian-American who is the Executive Director of Q Christian Fellowship, an organization that cultivates radical belonging for LGBTQI+ Christians and allies through a commitment to growth, community, and relational justice. Bukola is also a patent attorney, having studied Chemical Engineering at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and law at New York University. Additionally, she is ordained as a deacon. Bukola can often be found engaging in competitive sports, skiing, mentoring high school students, bringing people together, baking a cake, hosting weary travelers, and planning her next getaway with her wife and two little ones.

Top Advocacy Priorities: The vision that inspires Bukola in her work is to lead a community that prophetically models a world where all LGBTQI+ people are fully loved by family, church, and community, and Christians worldwide live up to their calling to be instruments of grace and defenders of the outcasts.

CAROL MUDZENGI, Programmes and Fundraising Officer, Voice of the Voiceless (Zimbabwe)

Carol is a queer African feminist, artist, and healing justice activist who cares deeply about decoloniality as a tool for mental well-being and collective wellness. Carol believes in trauma-informed holistic well-being with the key objective being collective care and love. She advocates for inclusion of LBQT+ persons in Zimbabwe, now with the Voice of the Voiceless collective, and has been active as an LGBTQI+ activist in various capacities for over 10 years. Carol is always seeking innovation in how queer identifying individuals can interrogate intersectionality with other struggles and build alliances with other movements.

Top Advocacy Priorities: Feminist healing justice as a catalyst for all other forms of justice to be attained.

TIFFANY KAGURE MUGO, Curator, HOLA Africa (South Africa)

Tiffany Kagure Mugo is the curator of HOLA Africa, a Pan-African sex-positive digital platform that focuses sex and sexuality on the continent through archiving stories, knowledge production and edutainment, digital community building and creating spaces that deal with safe sex and pleasure and other aspects of the politics and presence of sexuality. She hosts the sex and relationship podcast, Basically Life, and is a TED speaker. She is the author of Quirky Quick Guide To Having Great Sex, and she curated the anthology, Touch: Sex, Sexuality and Sensuality.

Top Advocacy Priorities: Bodily and sexual autonomy 

NORA NORALLA, Executive Director, Cairo 52 Legal Research Institute (Egypt)

Nora Noralla is an Egyptian human rights researcher and consultant. She is currently the Executive Director of Cairo 52 Legal Research Institute and a non-resident fellow at The Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy. Her work focuses mainly on digital rights, sexual and bodily freedoms, LGBTQ+ rights, and Islamic Sharia from an intersectional queer feminist perspective. Her engagement with the human rights field started in the wake of the 25th of January revolution in Egypt. She has worked with different NGOs, including Human Rights Watch, Article 19, and the Berkman Klein Center for Internet and Society at Harvard University.

Top Advocacy Priorities: It is essential to identify new entry points for advancing LGBTQI+ rights in challenging contexts, such as the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region. Basic fundamental human rights, including the right to health and legal gender recognition for transgender and intersex individuals, can be attained through coordinated strategic litigation efforts. These efforts can exert pressure on MENA governments to ensure these rights, thus serving as crucial entry points for LGBTQI+ advocacy.

OLENA SHEVCHENKO, Chair, Insight (Ukraine)

A long-term advocate for LGBTQI+ and women’s rights in Europe & Central Asia, Olena Shevchenko founded Insight in 2007 to organize in support of the LGBTQI+ community in her native Ukraine. Since Russia’s brutal invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Olena has been at the forefront of establishing shelters and safe houses for LGBTQI+ Ukrainians fleeing the war, of providing food and other emergency supplies to women and LGBTQI+ people, and of advocating for LGBTQI+ inclusion in the humanitarian response to the crisis. For her work, TIME recognized Olena as one of its “Women of the Year” in early 2023.

Top Advocacy Priorities: Implementation of the Istanbul Convention (on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence); passage of the civil partnership law for LGBTQI+ people in Ukraine.

DRAGANA TODOROVIC, Executive Director, EL*C (Serbia)

Dragana Todorović is the scandalously efficient Executive Co-Director of EL*C, the EuroCentralAsian Lesbian* Community. With an unparalleled passion for the lesbian movement and an entrepreneurial spirit that doesn’t take “impossible” for an answer, Dragana (re)defines the limits of the lesbian skies, drawing from a robust and eclectic experience combining the private sector, governmental institutions, and national and regional NGOs. This fierce Yugoslavian lesbian is notably the instigator of the Balkan LGBTI network, ERA, which she led for seven years as its Executive Co-Director. A multi-hyphenated and visionary character, her numerous talents stop at drafting her own bio, which she delegates blindly to her lover.

Top Advocacy Priorities: Advocating for the adoption of the LBQ Resolution by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, which would be the first-ever international policy instrument to specifically address all forms of discrimination and violence faced by LBQ women; Lobbying for LBQ-inclusive implementation and monitoring of the Istanbul Convention, to ensure that the systems of protection, access to justice and assistance are effective for all women by adopting an intersectional approach, considering the additional obstacles faced by women from marginalized groups.

Don’t Sell Out LGBTQI+ Refugees & Asylum Seekers

According to numerous media reports, Senate and White House negotiators are very close to announcing a deal that would swap Democratic votes for permanent changes to the U.S. immigration system in exchange for Republican approval of short-term military assistance to key U.S. allies.

While we remain skeptical that any deal will clear the increasingly high political hurdles in both the Seante and the House, we are nonetheless worried that even the outline of a bad deal — even a potentially moribund one — could set a catastrophic precedent that will eventually undermine our asylum system.

Such an agreement, should it be passed by both houses of Congress, would unlock funding and equipment for Ukraine previously opposed by Republicans, along with aid to Israel and Indo-Pacific partners. In turn, Democrats would bow to Republican demands for much stricter standards for claiming asylum, billions of dollars for expanded border policing, and new expulsion and enforcement mechanisms.

Such radical concessions would be inhumane, irresponsible, and profoundly dangerous for all seeking sanctuary in the United States — and especially so for LGBTQI+ refugees and asylum seekers.

The reported dangerous and highly politicized proposals would put asylum out of reach for many, if not most, refugees. This includes denying protection for thousands of LGBTQI+ asylum seekers fleeing persecution and torture. These proposals are reminiscent of the draconian agenda of former President Donald Trump and of Stephen Miller, his viciously anti-immigrant chief advisor.

The concessions reportedly being negotiated include either reimplementing the disastrous Title 42 law or introducing a similar broad expulsions policy; instituting a heightened “credible fear” standard for refugee screenings; and expanding the Family Expedited Removal Management (FERM) program.

These concessions would be nightmarish for all those trying to secure refuge in the United States, and especially to asylum seekers from marginalized groups, as they expand removal mechanisms and as they build walls to prevent refugees from ever having the chance to sit for an asylum hearing.

We further want to note the particular implications of the proposed deal for LGBTQI+ refugees:

  • Enacting a “Transit Ban” or “Safe Third Country” Agreements That Will Subject LGBTQI+ Asylum Seekers to Mortal Danger.  In reality, applying for asylum in common transit countries is simply not an option. Many LGBTQI+ asylum seekers have reported that they could not request asylum in a transit country because they were unsafe, and it was unclear if they could even base a claim on persecution on account of their sexual orientation or gender identity/expression. Indeed, most common transit countries — including, Mexico, Honduras, El Salvador, and Guatemala — have long, documented histories of severe violence against LGBTQI+ people. Forcing queer and trans people to seek protection in places that cannot provide it, endangering LGBTQI+ lives in the process, must be rejected.
  • Raising the Asylum Screening Standard, Resulting in Bona Fide LGBTQI+ Refugees Being Returned to Persecution. Credible Fear Interviews (CFIs) are preliminary screenings usually performed in immigration detention without an attorney. Asylum seekers that pass this initial CFI screening may be admitted to the United States on a temporary basis, but they still must sit at a later date for a more formal adjudication under a higher well-founded fear standard. Because they are preliminary, the CFI screenings are often conducted very shortly after an asylum seeker survives a treacherous journey to the border. As such, many LGBTQI+ asylum seekers fleeing persecution who have suffered sexual violence and other severe mistreatment on the journey to the United States may not yet be ready to share their full story. Recognizing the circumstances of flight, Congress intentionally established the credible fear standard as a low bar so that “there should be no danger that a [person] with a genuine asylum claim will be returned to persecution.” Still, under current CFI standards, LGBTQI+ refugees with strong claims are wrongly denied a credible fear. This is due to a variety of factors, including fear of disclosing LGBTQI+ status to government officials, insufficient privacy in detention facilities where CFIs are often held, insufficient time to understand the process or speak with an attorney, and lack of LGBTQI+ competency or other errors among immigration officers. Despite the successful reversal of some negative CFIs by CGE members and partners, most individuals are deported before they can access an attorney to assist in overturning a denial. Plus, restrictions under the Biden Administration’s current policies have made challenging these denials even more difficult. The number of erroneous denials will skyrocket if the standard is heightened. LGBTQI+ refugees who would normally qualify for asylum will instead be returned to countries of persecution.
  • Forcing More Low-Risk but Highly Vulnerable LGBTQI+ Asylum Seekers into Detention Where They Will Be Abused, while Costing American Taxpayers Billions. For years, immigrants’ rights organizations have warned DHS that throwing asylum seekers in prisons is dangerous and irresponsible. Voluminous reports have documented dangerous and inhumane detention conditions, including sexual assault, medical neglect, and other homophobic and transphobic abuse directed at detained LGBTQI+ asylum seekers. Tragically, abuses have continued under the Biden Administration. Jailing traumatized and vulnerable asylum seekers in abusive prisons is morally reprehensible. Detention already costs American taxpayers billions each year, and increasing it will mean millions or billions more going directly into the pockets of the private prison industry. The Biden Administration should be limiting detention, not increasing it.

These short-sighted changes all fail to tackle any of the real issues preventing LGBTQI+ refugees from securing safety, such as a years’ long backlog and insufficient capacity for humane processing at the border. The reported measures would also cost American taxpayers billions of dollars without fixing our broken immigration system, and they would be immensely unpopular with the American people who want real solutions and who are strongly in favor of protecting refugees.

Make no mistake, destroying asylum will not fix the immigration system, solve problems along the southern border, or diminish the “push” factors that compel LGBTQI+ individuals to flee their countries. It will, however, result in the preventable persecution, torture, and death of thousands of LGBTQI+ refugees.

Instead, the Biden Administration should follow through on its promise to protect vulnerable LGBTQI+ refugees and asylum seekers by:

  • halting the use and defense of the Administration’s “Circumvention of Lawful Pathways” rule which has already been found illegal; and
  • finally rescind the Trump-era “Procedures for Asylum and Withholding of Removal; Credible Fear and Reasonable Fear Review” rule.

Both rules threaten the lives of LGBTQI+ asylum seekers. The 2023 Circumvention of Lawful Pathways rule bars refugees from asylum based on their manner of entry into the United States and their transit through third countries, factors that do not relate to their persecution or fear of return. It applies only to refugees who enter at the southwest border, the vast majority of whom are people of color. It punishes and bans refugees fleeing LGBTQI+, political, religious, race-based, gender-based, and other persecution. The ban applies not only in full asylum adjudications but also in preliminary screenings at the border, which resulting in mass deportations of refugees without a hearing.

The 2020 “Procedures for Asylum and Withholding of Removal; Credible Fear and Reasonable Fear Review” rule includes numerous provisions that put LGBTQI+ refugees and others from particular risk by banning from asylum, or denying asylum to, refugees who suffered brief detentions or escaped their persecutors before threats could be carried out; who transited through other countries on their way to the United States; who crossed into the United States between ports of entry or were unable to precisely articulate the legal parameters of their persecuted social group at their hearings. It also blocks asylum seekers from due process, removal hearings and other forms of immigration relief; allows adjudicators to deny asylum without ever hearing an asylum seeker’s testimony; illegally raises the credible fear screening standard set by Congress; and provides for the removal of torture survivors back to where they were persecuted.

In the short term, this disastrous deal may be torpedoed by Speaker Mike Johnson and far-right House Republicans — especially since Trump slammed the negotiations last week. For those extremists, any compromise on border security short of full passage of H.R. 2 — which has no chance of passage in a Democratic-controlled Senate — is insufficiently cruel and irresponsible.

In the long term, however, the Democrats must not trade away the fundamental right to seek asylum for political expediency ahead of this year’s elections or even for the urgent goal of helping Ukraine resist Russian aggression. The U.S. Refugee Act of 1980 guarantees that right to any person “with a well-founded fear of persecution on account of race, religion, nationality, membership in a particular social group, or political opinion,” and both parties should reaffirm America’s commitment to protecting those seeking refuge.

The drivers of the global refugee crisis — war and other violence, authoritarian repression, poverty, and climate change — show no signs of ebbing, and refugee and asylum mechanisms must be strengthened, not dismantled. This is even more essential for LGBTQI+ refugees and for members of other marginalized groups. The Council for Global Equality calls on President Biden and Congressional leaders in both parties to not sell out LGBTQI+ refugees and asylum seekers, not now and not ever.

The War in Gaza Impacts All of Us and Democracy Too

By Julie Dorf, Co-Chair of the Council for Global Equality

  • This essay was originally published earlier today in the Washington Blade.
  • Content Advisory: this is much longer than CGE’s usual posts. It shares my personal experience and perspective and does not represent an organizational statement. Clearly, it addresses Israel/Palestine, so if you can’t handle that, please don’t read!

(January 11, 2024) As a leader in the LGBTQI+ movement and Co-chair of the U.S.-based foreign policy organization the Council for Global Equality (CGE), I am calling on my colleagues in the progressive foreign policy community to urgently discuss alternative policy solutions to our government’s support of the deadly war in Gaza and collectively begin demanding solutions that respect the dignity, rights, and security for all. 

The Council for Global Equality (CGE) works at the intersection of international human rights, U.S. foreign policy, and LGBTQI+ communities. We primarily focus on influencing the U.S. government’s policies, programs, and foreign assistance to do more good in the world, recognizing that our democracy typically only does the right thing when its citizens demand it – whether through elections or ongoing civic engagement by organizations such as ours. We also recognize that, deservedly or not, the United States wields outsized power in the world; as responsible citizens of this mighty country, it is therefore incumbent on us to actively engage and try to direct its power towards good. Our organizational principles include key tenets such as “freedoms abroad and freedoms at home are linked,” “democracy can only be rooted in secular, inclusive values,” “equal treatment is at the heart of human rights,” and “one population’s rights cannot transcend those of another.” The full statement of principles is on our website.

When Hamas launched its terrifying attacks in southern Israel on October 7, followed by Israel’s revengeful response in Gaza, I thought at first that this was not a CGE issue. As a progressive Jew, I was mostly consumed by my own relationship with the ongoing occupation, and I feared for my friends in the region. I was horrified and heartsick, glued to Al Jazeera and other news sources. But I was not at all surprised by the attack, except perhaps that it had taken this long for a major uprising by Palestinians. I reached out to activists, friends, and family in Israel, Palestine, Lebanon, and Egypt. I felt no contradiction being equally upset by the loss of lives on all sides and holding multiple truths at once. Yes, Hamas is a terrorist organization that brutally murdered my people. Yes, Israel has been occupying, persecuting, and actively undermining a Palestinian state for its entire existence. And yes, the government of the United States and its Jewish community have both been enabling this horrible injustice for as long as I can remember. This crisis was just more of the same but on a much, much more painful scale.

My Position on Palestine and Israel

I grew up in a staunchly Zionist environment, visited the region multiple times (Israel and the West Bank and Gaza), and evolved through my human rights career into a proud Jewish anti-Zionist. I believe in the land of Israel being a vital, safe, and sacred homeland for Jews and Muslims, as well as for Christians, Druze, Armenians, Samaritans, and others.

I do not, however, believe in a Jewish supremacist state, which is the way that Israel’s current policies have been constructed, believing that only by having a majority of Jews in the country of Israel can it be a secure Jewish “homeland.” I believe it can and must be a secure homeland for different religions simultaneously. Indeed, if you’ve ever visited Jerusalem, you know it already is a homeland for Jews, Christians, Muslims, and Armenians (albeit not safe). Yes, Netanyahu is perhaps the most far-right authoritarian leader we’ve seen in Israel. But long-time policies from urban development, road construction, and water to the separation wall and vast numbers of political prisoners, and other Israeli government policies have been constructed to maintain the supreme rights of Jews over Palestinians. These policies that are intended to maintain inequality by ethnicity are simply inherently incompatible with a genuine democracy. At this moment in the world, when democracy needs to be actively defended in so many countries, an exception clause for Israel is both indefensible and counterproductive.

From left: Julie Dorf, the-now Association for Civil Rights in Israel Executive Director Noa Sattath, and then-Jerusalem Open House for Pride and Tolerance Executive Director Hagai El-Ad protest at a checkpoint outside Bethlehem, West Bank, during Jerusalem WorldPride in 2006. Dorf is the Co-Chair of the Council for Global Equality. (Photo courtesy of Julie Dorf)

My political positions on Israel and Palestine have stirred up great pain and conflict in my family and community. But I have been committed to talking to my own people – in this case, American Jews – about these issues because that is where I can have the most influence to make change, however small that may be. Many progressive Jews–and particularly younger generations–share my beliefs but are afraid of being ostracized from their Jewish communities or families or being labeled a “self-hating Jew.” I know that I am a proud Jew.

Antisemitism and Anti-Zionism

I am also no stranger to antisemitism—even working in the LGBTQI+ global movement, I have experienced my share of antisemitism. It mostly takes the form of microaggressions, such as comments about “your banker friends in New York” or “I won’t succumb to your Jewish guilt moves.” Then there was the moment when a presenter at a queer conference on closing civic space in Poland used a political cartoon from a local newspaper that had a picture of an Orthodox Jew with a huge nose, wearing a star of David that said “NGO” on it – but didn’t recognize that NGO was overlaid on a profoundly antisemitic image. Or the time when someone posted a conspiracy theory full of lies that “co-religionist George Soros” was somehow connected West Bank settlement building on a large global queer listserv, and the moderator of the list told me that my concerns were unfounded and that “the post was not antisemitic.” And I’ll definitely never forget when an activist in Malaysia who had never met a Jew before asked to feel my head for my horns. At least they asked for consent!

Today’s genuine rise in antisemitism around the world is more overt and scary. I’m used to armed security guards at the entrances to Jewish institutions such as our schools, museums, and synagogues to guard against the occasional violent act of antisemites. But this increased level of hate speech, online antisemitism, Nazis in public, and murder threats are understandably terrifying my community. This is precisely why the distinction between this very real rise in antisemitic violence and anti-Zionist expression is critical to distinguish.

It is dangerous for Jews and others to conflate antisemitism with anti-Zionism because that conflation misdirects attention from genuine antisemitic violent threats and increases polarization in a year when our unity to protect democracy is more important than ever. Further, it is terrible for the freedom of thought and speech, undermining legitimate calls for justice for Palestinians and silencing people from expressing their true thoughts and reactions. All these things are harming U.S. foreign policy and making U.S. citizens less safe.

We can agree to disagree about the connotations of “from the river to the sea” or the word “intifada,” – but it is not inherently antisemitic to wish for equality in that location or to desire a one-state solution to the conflict between the state of Israel and the stateless citizens of Palestine or to wish to organize peaceful resistance to oppression (such as BDS). This is legitimate political discourse, essential to finding a peaceful solution to this ongoing conflict, whether that be a one-state, two-state, confederated, or some other solution we haven’t yet imagined.

A Free Palestine poster on 17th Street in Dupont Circle on Oct. 23, 2023. (Washington Blade photo by Michael K. Lavers)

Further complicating matters, progressives tend to minimize antisemitism because of Ashkenazi white skin privilege and class privilege, whether real or imagined. Yet Eastern European Jews weren’t considered “white” for many decades, Sephardic Jews are still not considered “white,” and there is increasing visibility of Jews of color. Regardless of the color of our skin, we’ve not been part of any dominant culture for most of our existence as a people – until the creation of the Israeli state. But in the current leftist paradigm of “settler colonialism” as it applies to the state of Israel (which is, in fact, what the early founders of Israel called themselves), often the role of historical and current antisemitism is either dismissed or ignored. This is problematic and limits solidarity. It adds to the lopsided empathy that occurs in both directions and limits civil discourse and healing.

There is no doubt that antisemitism over time, and particularly the Holocaust, played a critical role in the creation of the State of Israel, as well as in the historical trauma and epigenetic fears that live inside so many of us Jews. That trauma was further inflamed by Hamas’s attack on October 7, just as the trauma of the Nakba was reignited for Gazans when Israel’s counter-attacks began, and 90% of Gazans were forced to leave their homes, regularly going without food. It might seem obvious that this sense of collective victimhood does not give license to victimize others, but it certainly creates a major blind spot in Jewish identity. It is overdue for Jews around the world—and especially in Israel—to update our story and live up to our stated values as a people committed to “Tikkun Olam,” or to repair the world. As painful as it is, we must take a hard look at the missteps in the history of Israel and rectify them urgently. We must face the current crisis and rise in antisemitism with the clarity that anti-Zionism is not synonymous with antisemitism. We must also be able to sit with the discomfort or sense of threat from anti-Zionist arguments or even chants, or genuine discourse about a different role for the U.S. vis-à-vis Israel, rather than reflexively labeling all of that antisemitic.

Legitimacy in Global Movements

So, when activists in the Middle East began asking queer groups to show up in solidarity with Palestine and, in particular, to join the calls for a ceasefire, I had no problem as a co-chair of CGE to craft a statement on behalf of our organization. It was not only consistent with our stated principles, but it was also a question of legitimacy for us in our global movement. What so many Americans do not quite understand is that much of the world considers Israel a pariah state; as such, the “special relationship” the United States maintains with a country considered akin to apartheid South Africa is very hard to explain or defend. Yet here in the United States, we get a totally different perspective, highly influenced by the commercial media, by mainstream Jewish community institutions (many of which are quite out of step with their own constituents, particularly younger people), and also by the strong forces of the intensely Zionist Christian right (Did you know that Christians United for Israel has more members than AIPAC?). And perhaps, as Peter Beinart posits, as Americans, we identify unconsciously with Israelis because we, too, do not wish to rectify our past treatment of Native Americans in our own founding of our country. This creates a grossly asymmetrical empathy for the “Israeli side” (which, by the way, is hardly monolithic) for many in the United States.

Yet, for many of us in the fields of international human rights, global development, or foreign policy, we engage regularly with colleagues outside of the United States who have a more balanced concern for the Palestinians. Indeed, we cannot do our work very effectively without such solidarity and trusted relationships. Consequently, it is very difficult to sustain an organizational position that justifies the levels of U.S. aid to Israel (over $3B annually), particularly the extra $14.5B in military aid for their war on Gaza, some of it circumventing required Congressional notifications, which everyone knows by now has overwhelmingly killed civilians and children and over 20,000 people. Then to see that with the U.S. government’s enormous investment, the Israeli military and intelligence could be so arrogantly incompetent, caught without any plan or reasonable response to the October 7th Hamas attacks, makes that incredibly large investment even more questionable. And yet, most D.C. organizations still simply shy away from this issue.

Pinkwashing and impact on LGBTQI+ Movement

For the global LGBTQI+ movement, “pinkwashing” has further enraged many in queer communities across the globe. Pinkwashing is the promotion by the Israeli government (or any other government) of its pro-LGBTQI+ policies to intentionally distract from its human rights abuses against Palestinians (or other horrific rights abuses). In truth, all the rights that have been disingenuously touted by the Israeli government to show a contrast to surrounding Arab states in the region were hard-fought and won by the country’s LGBTQI+ community itself through the courts, not simply handed to the community by the State of Israel. This has been a key part of the intentional campaign by the Israeli government to maintain an image that the country is more similar to Western democracies and, therefore, more deserving of their support.

But in many ways, it has backfired when it comes to LGBTQI+ communities and certainly alienated Israeli LGBTQI+ civil society from the global movement, and in particular from other LGBTQI+ organizations in the region. It is considered so taboo to be connected to Israel that no other Middle East or North Africa (MENA) representatives would show up to a queer MENA event if Israeli civil society were even invited. (And, yes, there are LGBTQI+ groups large and small in Jordan, Lebanon, Iraq, Iran, Tunisia, Morocco, etc.) Israel’s pinkwashing also helped spawn stronger queer support for Palestinians and for the boycott, divestment, and sanctions (BDS) movement. A clear example of this pinkwashing continues now during the war, when the State of Israel’s official X (formerly Twitter) account showed an IDF soldier unfurling a rainbow flag in front of a tank in Gaza and another one, claiming to be “in the name of love,” in front of a destroyed village. For many of us, this was beyond offensive, it was stomach-churning. 

Yoav Atzmoni, an IDF soldier, holds a Pride flag while inside the Gaza Strip in November 2023. (Photo courtesy of the Israeli government’s X account)

For all of these reasons, CGE issued our statement calling for a ceasefire in late October. Most of our organizational members were very pleased with its release, except for the ADL, which chose to end its membership in CGE over our differences on this issue. Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, both long-standing CGE members, have strongly criticized this war, documenting war crimes and other human rights violations, both by the Israeli state against Palestinian civilians and by Hamas against Israeli citizens. But other than those large human rights organizations, the most vocal members of the foreign policy community in Washington have been the large humanitarian assistance providers, which have passionately argued for a ceasefire. The visible resistance by Jewish Voice for Peace and other progressive Jewish organizations, together with Palestinian rights organizations, have been the primary other civil society entities articulating a different vision for U.S. policy on Israel and Palestine. Between the street protests, potentially losing the next generation’s vote, and the upset from federal employees themselves, this does seem to be getting the Biden-Harris Administration’s attention, forcing very small shifts toward using its leverage to reign in Israel’s military violence.

Where is the U.S. Foreign Policy Community?

So, where is the rest of the Washington foreign policy community? Clearly, others must have similar concerns for their credibility with partners around the world during this crisis and feel uneasy every day as the news appears. How can we not do better than this to hold our government accountable to our values of equality and justice? Where are the media watchdog organizations, and why are they not challenging such asymmetrical coverage of the war? I understand that people are scared to “take a side,” to offend someone, to lose big donors, and to lose legitimacy in the eyes of our U.S. government allies. God forbid we get canceled by saying the wrong thing or making a mistake.

But we must do better than that; we must have the courage to advocate for a more balanced U.S. policy on Israel and Palestine and to call on the Biden Administration to be a more honest broker in the conflict. If foreign policymakers believe that the United States needs to be Israel’s best friend, to be a trusted nation they will listen to, then we certainly have paid our dues by now. We must leverage decades of expensive investments more strategically and effectively.

It is time for the progressive foreign policy community in the United States, together with principled Jewish organizations, Palestinian leaders, and others sincerely invested in peace to come together to articulate a better way forward for U.S. foreign policy. We must demand conditions on U.S. aid, not just on ending illegal settlement-building in the West Bank, but on actually dismantling settlements if the U.S.-stated policy goal of helping to create a Palestinian state is sincere. We must condition military aid appropriately to avoid its use in war crimes. We must demand and help secure the release of Palestinian leaders in Israeli prisons who could become the more legitimate, moderate leaders of the next iteration of the Palestinian Authority. This would undermine the Hamas movement far more effectively than the current military campaign is doing by offering better leadership options. We must demand the release of the Israeli hostages in Gaza and the Palestinian political prisoners in Israel. And we must end the immense blank check support of billions of taxpayer dollars to Israel by requiring a genuine restart of peace negotiations. These are just some of the policies that we should be advocating for – the point is that we need to have those debates as a matter of urgency within our own foreign policy communities in Washington.

As an LGBTQI+ U.S. foreign policy organization, we should be a part of those discussions, not just because queer Palestinians and queer Israelis are impacted, and not just because it’s urgently critical for the safety of all Palestinians and Israelis, but because, indeed, we are all impacted. Americans will be safer. Jews will be safer. Democracy might even be safer. 

U.S. Sanctions Ugandan Prison Official for LGBTQI+ Abuses

December 8, 2023 – The Treasury Department today announced an international package of human rights sanctions in recognition of the 75th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and International Human Rights Day on December 10.  In a groundbreaking move, one of the specific sanctions designations included Johnson Byabashaija, the Commissioner General of the Uganda Prisons Service (UPS), for the abuse of LGBTQI+ prisoners under his supervision.

In designating Byabashaija, Treasury notes, “Prisoners have reported being tortured and beaten by UPS staff and by fellow prisoners at the direction of UPS staff. Members of vulnerable groups, including government critics and members of Uganda’s LGBTQI+ community, have been beaten and held without access to legal counsel; for example, in a 2020 case, the UPS denied a group of LGBTQI+ persons access to their lawyers and members of the group reportedly endured physical abuse, including a forced anal examination and scalding.”

The Council for Global Equality welcomes this announcement. Our coalition has long urged the Biden Administration to announce targeted sanctions under the authority of the Global Magnitsky Act for Ugandan officials who are complicit in the persecution of LGBTQI+ persons, including under the country’s draconian new Anti-Homosexuality Act. To our knowledge, this is only Treasury’s second named sanctions designation of foreign officials for LGBTQI+-specific human rights violations, following the 2017 designations of Chechnya’s dictator and director of prisons for the torture of LGBTQI+ prisoners there. Based on today’s sanctions announcement, any property owned by Byabashaija in the United States is subject to seizure, and he and his family will be denied visas to the United States.

Today’s announcement also has three additional features that are important. To begin, it is the first U.S. government sanctions designation that recognizes the use of forced anal exams as a serious human rights violation. The practice – widely discredited as both forensically useless and a form of torture — is used in Uganda and elsewhere to gather bogus “evidence” to prosecute people for criminal violations of anti-homosexuality laws. As such, this sets an important precedent in recognizing forced anal exams as human rights violations that are sanctionable under U.S. law.

Second, the designation was issued against Byabashaija for his “command responsibility” for human rights violations, including torture, committed in Ugandan prisons. The designation states that “Byabashaija is being designated for being a foreign person who is or has been a leader or official of an entity, including any government entity, that has engaged in, or whose members have engaged in, serious human rights abuse relating to the leader’s or official’s tenure.” This theory of command responsibility for the abuse of LGBTQI+ persons in prison, including for forced anal exams, should put prison officials and other government leaders across Uganda and in many other countries on notice. We trust that this will be just the first of many additional sanction designations for similar practices committed in Uganda and beyond.

Third, the announcement today “notes recent attempts by the Uganda Prisons Service to implement human rights-related measures, but these measures fall short. Should Byabashaija implement effective measures to eliminate torture and impunity, increase independent human rights monitoring, ban forced anal examinations and other forms of abuse used to target LGBTQI+ persons and others, ensure protections for vulnerable persons and groups, and improve overall prison conditions, the Department of the Treasury will consider those to be changes of behavior that would potentially result in his removal from the SDN List.” The inclusion of that additional prescriptive language sends a strong statement, setting out our sanctions regime as another U.S. foreign policy tool being leveraged to end the practice of forced anal exams. 

Today’s sanctions announcement follows a broader visa ban announced by the State Department earlier this week for officials who are involved in the repression of the LGBTQI+ community. Because those visa bans are being implemented under a provision of the Immigration and Nationality Act and not the Global Magnitsky Act, the State Department cannot name the specific targets, although many parliamentarians in Uganda reportedly assume that they are on that visa ban list as well. It also follows the recent decision to terminate Uganda’s preferential trade status in the United States because of its repression of the LGBTQI+ community.

As Ugandan advocates launch their constitutional challenge against the Anti-Homosexuality Act in court this month, and as we celebrate International Human Rights Day this weekend, we hope this sanctions designation sends an important message that LGBTQI+ rights are human rights — in Uganda, in the United States and everywhere else where LGBTQI+ people are being scapegoated and persecuted by officials in violation of the most basic principles adopted in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights 75 years ago.

Weaponization of the Pride Flag

As we celebrate Human Rights Day on December 10th, we are happy to see the continuing progress of our movement, as more and more governments, civil society organizations, and everyday citizens understand how LGBTQI+ rights are human rights.

At the same time, however, we are confronting the global rise of authoritarianism, a trend that encompasses regressive leaders from Russia, Uganda, and Egypt to Florida, Texas, and Tennessee. Reactionary officials and activists are attacking LGBTQI+ rights as a wedge to more broadly undermine democracy, civil society, and human rights for all.

Just the other week, the Russian Supreme Court declared the international LGBTQI+ movement to be “extremist.” Amnesty International warned the accompanying blanket ban on LGBTQI+ advocacy risks “far reaching violations of the rights to freedom of association, expression and peaceful assembly, as well as the right to be free from discrimination.”

(caption: Istanbul, Türkiye, June 2013: Nearly 100,000 people attend LGBT Pride in Istanbul’s Taksim Square, marking the largest LGBT pride ever held in the country.)

One alarming and disheartening phenomenon has emerged in this backlash: the weaponization of the rainbow flag by individuals and groups harboring homophobic and transphobic sentiments who perceive the advancement of LGBTQI+ rights as a threat. What has long been a symbol of liberation and pride for the LGBTQI+ community has now also become a target for those who seek to undermine progress in the ongoing struggle for equal rights.

Historically, rainbow flags have represented a myriad of identities, beliefs, and struggles, spanning centuries and encompassing diverse cultures such as Andean indigenous societies, Buddhism, and the peace movement. However, in contemporary society, the rainbow flag predominantly symbolizes love and community within the LGBTQI+ community. Originally conceived as a beacon of hope, unity, and the fight for equality and acceptance, it has grown into a powerful emblem of the LGBTQI+ movement, symbolizing diversity and inclusion.

Regrettably, some individuals and groups have chosen to co-opt and weaponize this symbol of liberation, thereby using the rainbow flag to promote division and discord. This weaponization is rooted in a complex web of fears, primarily stemming from homophobia, transphobia, and broad apprehensions regarding societal change.

A notable victory for LGBTQI+ rights recently occurred in Mauritius when the Indian Ocean nation decriminalized homosexuality. Mauritius is the latest bright spot in this trend, as LGBTQI+ groups in various countries have pursued legal remedies to address violations targeting their community and to repeal archaic colonial-era laws that criminalize their existence and perpetuate discrimination. While some of these legal battles have led to major victories and the reshaping of society, others have triggered severe backlash, unveiling the multifaceted threats the LGBTQI+ community faces.

Simultaneously, an all-encompassing attack on the queer community continues globally through various means, from physical violence, arbitrary arrests, and state-sponsored legislation aimed at curtailing LGBTQI+ rights to a direct assault on queer culture. In many countries, the rainbow flag has been repurposed as a weapon against the LGBTQI+ community. Even the simple yet radical act of raising the rainbow flag in celebration of Pride has incited vicious backlash and violent government crackdowns against the community with deadly consequences.

The poignant case of Sarah Hegazi exemplifies the fragility of LGBTQI+ lives and underscores the deadly consequences that LGBTQI+ individuals face. Her act of raising the rainbow flag in excitement at a 2017 concert in Cairo resulted in her arrest by the Egyptian government on false charges, culminating in a three-month incarceration under horrifying conditions. Although Hegazi was eventually granted asylum in Canada, the emotional and psychological toll was already exacted, ultimately leading to her to take her own life three years later. This heart-wrenching incident serves as a stark reminder of the profound dangers, both immediate and long-term, that LGBTQI+ individuals confront.

At the heart of these issues lie homophobia and transphobia, the irrational fear and hatred of LGBTQI+ individuals. As societal attitudes evolve towards greater acceptance and inclusion, some individuals perceive these changes as a direct threat to their beliefs and values. Social media platforms often serve as conduits for vitriol and derogatory terms such as “alphabet people,” further contributing to the marginalization of the LGBTQI+ community.

Members of the LGBTQI+ community who boldly live their lives openly or have signs of the rainbow on their social media accounts often report harassment online and hate-filled messages from homophobes and transphobes. These hostilities extend to physical violence, including the burning of rainbow flags and the dismantling of queer safe spaces. Murals painted in rainbow colors on behalf of Sarah Hegazi have even been erased or defaced by individuals who take offense at the rainbow flag and harbor disdain for the LGBTQI+ community.

Moreover, politicians worldwide have exploited fear and animosity towards the LGBTQI+ community for political gain. By positioning themselves as defenders of so-called traditional family values, they have deliberately painted the rainbow flag as a symbol of opposition to everything they stand for, artificially creating a dichotomy between “traditional” and “progressive” values. This situation holds immense significance and danger, as it underscores a form of democratic erosion.

The weaponization of the rainbow flag often coincides with efforts to undermine democratic principles, leading to the enactment of anti-LGBTQI+ policies in certain countries, which suppress the rights of LGBTQI+ individuals and curtail freedom of expression, all driven by the fear of expanding LGBTQI+ rights. This trend raises serious human rights concerns, as LGBTQI+ individuals are disproportionately subjected to discrimination, violence, and persecution. The weaponization of the rainbow flag exacerbates an already hostile environment, further endangering their safety and well-being, occasionally resulting in tragic outcomes, as in the case of Sarah Hegazi.

In the United States, a troubling trend has emerged within this year’s appropriation bills in Congress. Virtually every appropriation bill proposed in the House of Representatives has contained a provision that explicitly prohibits the display of the Pride flag at embassies or federal government buildings. A stand-alone bill in Congress, supported by 45 cosponsors, also aims to formalize this prohibition at U.S. government facilities, although it has not received a vote or a hearing and will hopefully die in committee.

Despite these anti-LGBTQI+ legislative proposals, a noteworthy defiance exists among most U.S. embassies worldwide, as they continue to stand in solidarity with democracy and human rights advocates by disregarding Congress’s attempted restrictions and proudly flying the Pride flag every June. However, this situation sends a potentially contradictory message and could begin to have a chilling effect on embassy engagement with LGBTQI+ communities, even if the anti-Pride flag regulations are never enacted into law.

In an additional distressing development, private companies have become targets due to their association with LGBTQI+ content. In Malaysia, the government has banned products deemed as LGBTQI+-related, specifically targeting rainbow-themed Swatch watches, asserting that they are detrimental to morality. Similarly, the government of Saudi Arabia is intensifying its crackdown on rainbow-colored toys and products in shops in the country’s capital.

Furthermore, Netflix and Hulu recently faced cyberattacks perpetrated by a Sudan-based group of hackers identifying themselves as “Anonymous.” These groups harbor not only a vehement aversion to the LGBTQI+ community but also to any manifestation of queer culture. Their objectives, apart from diminishing the community itself, encompass broader political aims to undermine human rights advancements that benefit LGBTQI+ people. Links between these groups and the Russian government’s anti-LGBTQI+ propaganda law and state-backed moral panic have been documented, suggesting a broader pattern of oppression and erosion of LGBTQI+ human rights.

The weaponization of the rainbow flag represents a disconcerting trend that poses not only a threat to LGBTQI+ rights but also to democratic values and human rights at large. This issue, rooted in homophobia and fear of societal change, has far-reaching consequences, culminating in the erosion of democratic principles and the endangerment of LGBTQI+ individuals. Vigilance and advocacy are essential to counter this troubling phenomenon, as it stands at the intersection of prejudice, political manipulation, and human rights abuse. Addressing this multifaceted challenge necessitates a concerted effort from global society to ensure the continued advancement and protection of LGBTQI+ rights, standing as a testament to the enduring struggle for equality and acceptance.

The Pride flag, as a symbol of hope and freedom, not only signifies LGBTIQ+ equality but also reinforces the understanding that LGBTQI+ rights are human rights. As Ambassador Nichols aptly stated in an OpEd in a newspaper in the Bahamas explaining why U.S. embassies fly the Pride flag, the flag is ultimately a symbol of universal, indivisible human rights, and of the diversity of the LGBTQI+ community and of the United States itself.

In moving forward, it is imperative that embassies not only insist on flying the Pride flag but also continue to reach out to support LGBTIQ+ communities actively and meaningfully across the globe. Prioritizing education and empowerment for LGBTIQ+ individuals will foster increased awareness and contribute to greater acceptance and tolerance within society. On Human Rights Day and every day, this commitment reflects a collective stride towards equality, inclusion, and human rights for all.


Stay Informed

Subscribe to this blog and receive notifications of new posts by email.

Join 282 other subscribers

Categories

Archives